| Haiti: ; "The left has failed. " How many times do we have heard this pithy phrase, falling like a guillotine over the head of the left, all left? Needless to say I do not share this view, first because it leaves very little room for nuance, but largely because it is false. So saying I would not fall into the trap that I blame others to know how to use a term without definite effort to debate the issue. There is no doubt that the left eyes of these observers, representing different experiences Lavalas who succeeded to power in Haiti from 1990 to today. While it is relatively easy to diagnose failure, it is a little less to establish the "left" that tend to be attributed to President Aristide, his successors and his project. In general, we can measure the success or failure of a head of state or government from the results that often can be observed, measured, calculated and published in numerical terms. That determination or analysis does not constitute the essential purpose of this article, I believe sincerely without sarcasm that did not need me or my section to observe the failure. The list is long, it is by no means exhaustive and covers all aspects of our lives as people (or national life). First, socially and economically, a look at the physical environment of our cities and our countryside is enough to see the dilapidation and decay in which live the majority of our countrymen. From an economic standpoint, the situation is far more radiant. The growth rate of GDP of the last twenty years has never exceeded 3% with an average of 1.5%. When did the correlation with population growth, it gives in all cases negative growth over the past twenty years. Therefore, we can say without hesitation that poverty the country has increased during this period to the point that 43.7% of rural households and 26.1% of urban dwellers live in poverty and 28.5% and 15.3% respectively in extreme poverty. Certainly be invoked to justify political instability such poor performance, but the instability is neither from heaven nor hell. It is produced and we want to proof: the impossibility of harmonizing relations between political actors, the loss of our sovereignty, twice sought (and obtained many times) by those governments, the deterioration of living conditions Haitians material well before January 12, 2010, failure to provide an immediate and medium term after the disaster, lack (or non-implementation) of institutions provided by the Constitution: the Supreme Council of Judiciary, Court of Cassation, dismantling tacit legislative power. The notion of left, politically, comes from France and has appeared during the Revolution. At this time of the Constituent Assembly, the first discussions were held constitutional and opponents of the royal veto regrouped to the left of the semicircle, while supporters of the royal power were at the right wing. Traditionally, the values generally considered and the left are social justice, equality, solidarity, humanism, secularism, while the right highlights the order, work, family, individual responsibility and meritocracy. The arrival of Jean-Bertrand Aristide to power, which occurred in jubilation and in a climate dirair is almost good-natured, however, was the result of intense activity carried out simultaneously by militant groups or political activists, students, some sectors of the Catholic Church and popular organizations. In this somewhat eclectic background, had come to graft a speech, already qualified as revolutionary by some at the time. The high content protest themes dear to the progressive sectors such as egalitarianism, repression and misery of the masses and sometimes even anti-imperialism, seemed absolutely new in the political world at least Haitian public. This sudden burst added to the vehemence, often the virulence of this speech had caused some fear among the upper classes to paste, wrongly or rightly, the epithet of the Lavalas movement and left to his mentors. However, there was a réaccommodation of political and social forces including major oligarchic groups who were able to quickly reposition itself as a hegemonic to the point that today we can say that it is not these groups that their interests have changed, but the government has adapted to their own. It begs many questions: What is left? What is left to be today? The contents of a proposal will be left there like in Europe, South America or Haiti? Speeches and objectives of the Left will they or should they be the same in 1970 than in 2011? Even more relevant, what is being left in 2011 in Haiti? The answer to these questions may seem to first sight very difficult. Some of the ideals (and behaviors) that defined the left have also meanwhile, evolved or were transformed. The acceptance of capitalism, the first European left, has not rendered sterile fighting today or yesterday more limited prospects for tomorrow. Does this mean, as some do, that "left no longer exists" or "cleavage right / left is exceeded? What is certain is that radicalization that characterized not only the left, but the political landscape since the early twentieth century until the late '70s, the fascination of tens thousands of youth in this period for the ultimate sacrifice, or the need for generational heroism has given way in most countries to a more civil and more user-friendly space where the physical disappearance of the other or often itself is no longer necessary. This does not represent a defeat for the left nor the right of a victory, much less a loss of one or the other, but rather the abandonment of suicidal behavior in response to mutual concessions concerning multiple instances of life common political, economic and social. | ||
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| The fact of being stripped of some of these banners did not mean emptying the left of its substance nor its wealth. Instead, it has just strengthened by focusing on issues more important and more essential. To quote Claude Gamel (French economist) in his book "Economy of Social Justice, Ethical Compass Capitalism": "The notion of capitalism, we prefer the concept of market economy ; Indeed, the two ideas are related: the respect for private ownership of capital ensures the decision of market participants. However, the failure of planned economies and the reality of capitalist economies show how the debate is more substantive in the simple substitution of collective ownership to private ownership of capital, but only in the possible intervention state. " As I said above, the values of justice and solidarity and fight against social inequalities are important elements of the ideals of the left, values and ideals, but especially targets and constant components of any government, organization or any program left. Certainly, the mere fact of the wave should not suffice to describe a movement or an individual left and we can also wonder if they are depriving the left. But how to achieve their satisfaction and the model used to correct these inequalities are essential elements that characterize the left and the left. What characterizes the Left today, the definition, the proposal then the establishment of property areas increasingly social production and distribution more social benefits of this production. Therefore, other components equally (and perhaps more) important for the process of production of wealth, redistribution of the latter and especially the tools of this redistribution. Today, in front and after the growing strength of liberalism, most governments identified for this new left of the post-Cold War focused to fight first the withdrawal of the state. More than a suggestion, it is a requirement clearly expressed in the creed called neoliberal Washington Consensus: "Privatization is justified by their positive fiscal impact to the short term. " Apart from one example in Latin America and one other in Europe, never been so obedient student to apply neoliberal policies that various governments Lavalas. All state enterprises, whether they are service-oriented: Teleco, EDH, or those oriented production (Milling Haiti, Ciment d'Haiti have been privatized or have simply disappeared without no hope of revival, at least not under these schemes (Sugar Factory Darbonne, SODEXOL, ENAOL). Just as one can always question the real impact that these companies have had on the Haitian economy, the same can ask what is their claims of privatization on fiscal redistribution pursued by the political and economic leaders. Although one of the recommendations mentioned "the tax system should aim to have the broadest base and a moderate level of harvest," he is another whose consequences have been particularly important for our population: the Opening with the liberalization of imports. Quantitative restrictions should be removed, and the customs charge should be relatively uniform and moderate (from 10% to 20%). In 1994 the Lavalas government has carried a drastic reduction of tariff and we saw that previously passed rate of 200% and 300% (rate, which generally protected agricultural production) to 50% by the military go to 0% with the return of democracy C is the case for most commodities and high consumption in the population. These economic measures imposed by international institutions, as we noted above, but adopted by different governments that have succeeded in liberalism, have profoundly altered the socio-economic development. They are characterized by a loss Job peasants, forced migration and a further deterioration increased and accelerated both rural and urban environment but also the social climate in general. This also explains that while social investments now account for just over 6% of our GDP, they do not reflect real social gains. We have already alluded to the virulence of Lavalas discourse in the pursuit of claims and defense of popular interests. However, in any way, it (the intensity) can not determine any ideological or political affiliation. The direct appeal to the people, the constant reminder of his destitution, the call to change without referring to the antagonisms are rather constant and key elements of populism and it can use the left or right (we are now the painful experience of the latter) to achieve its goals and satisfy his thirst. Lavalas is not left much less, it is not left and do not represent. "The proof of the pudding, as Engels said, is in the eating. "The proof of what we have found more in what one does than in what they say. Lavalas has never defined, never proposed nor has either never implemented policies public could be similar to those of the Left. It would certainly have desired, because today, their urgency in Haiti is even more simple questions of sensitivity or ideological option. It is the end to the cruel question of exclusion and those of efficiency, because even in this simple context, the volume of investment depends primarily on the initial stock of human capital (% of population literate, educated, in higher education). Only public policy based on strong leadership of the state to activate the key sectors of the economy may give an answer to the low savings. Opposite is the assistance required and the waltz technicians imposed. The choice seems obvious but crucial: on one hand, a dependency of an economy based on small projects and the reproduction of the precariousness and the other, the possibility of a solidarity economy and the prospect of self-growth maintained. | ||
| Dr. Jean Buteau Hénold |
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